Leo T. reviewed An American Crisis: Congress and Reconstruction 1865-1867 on + 1775 more book reviews
Published in 1963, pb in 1966, and although it hasn't been reprinted, I found it of interest in 2015. The author is British (Cambridge) and taught American Studies there. He did most of his research while in the States as a visiting professor for a few months, but says this is adequate because virtually all the evidence is known long since. There are some references to materials in the footnotes, but there is no bibliography. The index seemed scanty to me, but I found everything I needed when I actually used it.
Reconstruction came 'after the greatest failure in American history and 'it is intimately bound up with the subsequent failure to solve the problems of a biracial society or to produce real harmony between the North and the South (1).' The war meant the arguments of 1860 were over and what would happen postwar was to be decided by the North, who had won the war. 'It is the purpose of this book to examine the nature of that (the North's) responsibility, the interpretations placed upon it by those who had to act, and the arguments which produced the decision reached by the Northern people through their elected representatives (1).'
Brock finds the ideals wartime were genuine and the desire for a better America widespread (in the North)--the elections of 1866 and 1868 endorsed the Radical GOP program. 'The war had been started to preserve the Union, but for the majority in the victorious North it had become a war to create a more prefect union (2).' Thus the prewar and rebel leaders of the CSA must not hold office.
Brock notes the power of Congress compared to the then diminished authority of the President and the Supreme Court. Although no substantial vetoed bill had ever before been overridden by Congress, 6 of 7 of Johnson's vetoes were overturned by the needed 2/3 vote. Brock also notes that Justices who had made the Dred Scott decision were still in office and wisely laid low.
Readers are reminded that the GOP was founded by small entrepreneurs who believed in going out to earn a dollar. They had not forgotten that the South had opposed railroad land grants, high tariffs, canals & roads, homestead laws, etc. as well as government schemes to better the population.
The North was in tune with the tide of history and was going to build a new Union. If I were teaching US History in 8th or 11th grade, I would use Chapter One as the basis for a 5-10 minutes lecture to introduce Reconstruction as Brock brings it together nicely.
In such a classroom, Chapter 8 would serve well for interested students to read and discuss (10pts) the Waning of Radicalism, pp. 274-304. Points made by Brock that I find especially interesting are that the North did not have the heart to continue occupying the South to hold unreconstructed Southerners to toe the mark. There would have to have been a large investment to bring Blacks up to the (low) educational attainment of Southern Whites. The Freedman's Bureau was allowed to expire and the North had a huge debt to retire. [Thus I myself still believe that 40 acres and a mule would have been the best chance for Blacks and for America.] Abolitionists, etc. moved on to other causes (Greenback Party, etc.) and the character of the GOP changed to big business and control by professional politicians. Brock himself dates the decline of the Radicals from the misstep of impeaching Johnson.
Ch. 4 First Congressional Reconstruction, pp. 95-152, is worthwhile to a group of interested students who would read (10 pts) and discuss (20 pts) the legislative history of the 14th Amendment, 'which summed up the efforts of Congress' and ;which could have been enacted at no other time (95).'
I left the book on the 'free' book truck at the VA hospital as there is a bit of underlining in the book by a previous scholar that might offend my PBS comrades. I didn't have time to read it all, but certainly enjoyed Dr. Brock's insights.
Reconstruction came 'after the greatest failure in American history and 'it is intimately bound up with the subsequent failure to solve the problems of a biracial society or to produce real harmony between the North and the South (1).' The war meant the arguments of 1860 were over and what would happen postwar was to be decided by the North, who had won the war. 'It is the purpose of this book to examine the nature of that (the North's) responsibility, the interpretations placed upon it by those who had to act, and the arguments which produced the decision reached by the Northern people through their elected representatives (1).'
Brock finds the ideals wartime were genuine and the desire for a better America widespread (in the North)--the elections of 1866 and 1868 endorsed the Radical GOP program. 'The war had been started to preserve the Union, but for the majority in the victorious North it had become a war to create a more prefect union (2).' Thus the prewar and rebel leaders of the CSA must not hold office.
Brock notes the power of Congress compared to the then diminished authority of the President and the Supreme Court. Although no substantial vetoed bill had ever before been overridden by Congress, 6 of 7 of Johnson's vetoes were overturned by the needed 2/3 vote. Brock also notes that Justices who had made the Dred Scott decision were still in office and wisely laid low.
Readers are reminded that the GOP was founded by small entrepreneurs who believed in going out to earn a dollar. They had not forgotten that the South had opposed railroad land grants, high tariffs, canals & roads, homestead laws, etc. as well as government schemes to better the population.
The North was in tune with the tide of history and was going to build a new Union. If I were teaching US History in 8th or 11th grade, I would use Chapter One as the basis for a 5-10 minutes lecture to introduce Reconstruction as Brock brings it together nicely.
In such a classroom, Chapter 8 would serve well for interested students to read and discuss (10pts) the Waning of Radicalism, pp. 274-304. Points made by Brock that I find especially interesting are that the North did not have the heart to continue occupying the South to hold unreconstructed Southerners to toe the mark. There would have to have been a large investment to bring Blacks up to the (low) educational attainment of Southern Whites. The Freedman's Bureau was allowed to expire and the North had a huge debt to retire. [Thus I myself still believe that 40 acres and a mule would have been the best chance for Blacks and for America.] Abolitionists, etc. moved on to other causes (Greenback Party, etc.) and the character of the GOP changed to big business and control by professional politicians. Brock himself dates the decline of the Radicals from the misstep of impeaching Johnson.
Ch. 4 First Congressional Reconstruction, pp. 95-152, is worthwhile to a group of interested students who would read (10 pts) and discuss (20 pts) the legislative history of the 14th Amendment, 'which summed up the efforts of Congress' and ;which could have been enacted at no other time (95).'
I left the book on the 'free' book truck at the VA hospital as there is a bit of underlining in the book by a previous scholar that might offend my PBS comrades. I didn't have time to read it all, but certainly enjoyed Dr. Brock's insights.
