Ludwig Heinrich Edler von Mises (; September 29, 1881 — October 10, 1973) was an Austrian economist, philosopher, author and classical liberal who had a significant influence on the modern free-market libertarian movement and the Austrian School.

Quotes more less

"A lasting order cannot be established by bayonets.""Economically considered, war and revolution are always bad business.""Human civilization is not something achieved against nature; it is rather the outcome of the working of the innate qualities of man.""If history could teach us anything, it would be that private property is inextricably linked with civilization.""If men do not now succeed in abolishing war, civilization and mankind are doomed.""If some peoples pretend that history or geography gives them the right to subjugate other races, nations, or peoples, there can be no peace.""Innovation is the whim of an elite before it becomes a need of the public.""Manufacturing and commercial monopolies owe their origin not to a tendency imminent in a capitalist economy but to governmental interventionist policy directed against free trade and laissez faire.""Men are fighting... because they are convinced that the extermination of adversaries is the only means of promoting their own well-being.""Modern society, based as it is on the division of labor, can be preserved only under conditions of lasting peace.""Only one thing can conquer war - that attitude of mind which can see nothing in war but destruction and annihilation.""Peace and not war is the father of all things.""Society has arisen out of the works of peace; the essence of society is peacemaking.""Sovereignty must not be used for inflicting harm on anyone, whether citizen or foreigner.""The philosophy of protectionism is a philosophy of war.""The root of the evil is not the construction of new, more dreadful weapons. It is the spirit of conquest.""The state can be and has often been in the course of history the main source of mischief and disaster.""The worst evils which mankind has ever had to endure were inflicted by bad governments.""To defeat the aggressors is not enough to make peace durable. The main thing is to discard the ideology that generates war.""War can really cause no economic boom, at least not directly, since an increase in wealth never does result from destruction of goods.""War prosperity is like the prosperity that an earthquake or a plague brings.""War... is harmful, not only to the conquered but to the conqueror.""Wars of aggression are popular nowadays with those nations convinced that only victory and conquest could improve their material well-being.""Whoever wants peace among nations must seek to limit the state and its influence most strictly.""Whoever wishes peace among peoples must fight statism."

Biography more less

[[Image:Misescrest.gif|frame|left|200px|[[Coat of arms]] of Ludwig von Mises' great-grandfather, Mayer Rachmiel Mises, awarded upon his 1881 ennoblement by [[Franz Joseph I of Austria]]]]

Early life

Ludwig von Mises was born in the city of Lemberg, in Galicia, Austria-Hungary (now Lviv in Ukraine), to parents Arthur Edler von Mises from a recently ennobled Jewish family involved in building and financing railroads, and Adele von Mises (née Landau), the niece of Dr. Joachim Landau, a Liberal Party deputy to the Austrian Parliament. Arthur was stationed there as a construction engineer with Czernowitz railway company. At the age of twelve Ludwig spoke fluent Yiddish, German, Polish, and French, read Latin, and could understand Ukrainian. Mises had two younger brothers: applied physicist Richard von Mises, a member of the famous Vienna Circle, and later Karl von Mises, who died in infancy from scarlet fever. When Ludwig and Richard were children, his family moved back to their ancestral home of Vienna.

In 1900, he attended the University of Vienna, becoming influenced by the works of Carl Menger. Mises' father died in 1903, and in 1906 Mises was awarded his doctorate from the school of law.

Professional life

In the years from 1904 to 1914, Mises attended lectures given by the prominent Austrian economist Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk. There, he developed friendships not only with Menger and Böhm-Bawerk, but also prominent sociologist Max Weber. Mises taught as a Privatdozent at the Vienna University in the years from 1913 to 1934 while formally serving as secretary at the Vienna Chamber of Commerce from 1909 to 1934. In these roles, he became one of the closest economic advisers of Engelbert Dollfuss, and, later, Otto von Habsburg. Friends and students of Mises in Europe included Wilhelm Röpke and Alfred Müller-Armack (influential advisors to German chancellor Ludwig Erhard), Jacques Rueff (monetary advisor to Charles de Gaulle), Lord Lionel Robbins (of the London School of Economics), and President of Italy, Luigi Einaudi.

Economist and political theorist F. A. Hayek first came to know Mises while working as Mises' subordinate at a government office dealing with Austria's post-World War I debt. Hayek wrote, "there I came to know him mainly as a tremendously efficient executive, the kind of man who, as was said of John Stuart Mill, because he does a normal day's work in two hours, always has a clear desk and time to talk about anything. I came to know him as one of the best educated and informed men I have ever known..." It was Hayek's development of Mises' innovative theoretical work on the business cycle which later earned him the Nobel Prize in economics.

In 1934, Mises left Austria for Geneva, Switzerland, where he was a professor at the Graduate Institute of International Studies until 1940. Fearing the prospect of Germany taking control over Switzerland, in 1940 Mises with other Jewish refugees left Europe and emigrated to New York City. There he became a visiting professor at New York University, from 1945 until his retirement in 1969, though he was not salaried by the university. Instead, he earned his living from funding by businessmen such as Lawrence Fertig. For part of this period, Mises worked on currency issues for the Pan-Europa movement led by a fellow NYU faculty member and Austrian exile, Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi. In 1947, Mises became one of the founding members of the Mont Pelerin Society.

In America, Mises' work first influenced that of economists such as Benjamin Anderson, Leonard Read and Henry Hazlitt, but writers such as former radical Max Eastman and novelist Ayn Rand were also among his friends and admirers. His American students included Israel Kirzner, Hans Sennholz, Ralph Raico, Leonard Liggio, George Reisman and Murray Rothbard. Mises later received an honorary doctorate from Grove City College.

Despite his growing fame, Mises listed himself plainly in the New York phone directory and welcomed students into his home. He retired from teaching at the age of 87, then, the oldest active professor in America. Mises died at the age of 92 at St. Vincent's hospital in New York.

Contributions to the Field of Economics more less

Mises wrote and lectured extensively on behalf of classical liberalism and is seen as one of the leaders of the Austrian School of economics. In his treatise on economics, Human Action, Mises introduced praxeology as a more general conceptual foundation of the social sciences and established that economic laws were only arrived at through the means of methodological individualism firmly rejecting positivism and materialism as a foundation for the social sciences. Many of his works, including Human Action, were on two related economic themes:

monetary economics and inflation;
the differences between government controlled economies and free trade.

Mises argued that money is demanded for its usefulness in purchasing other goods, rather than for its own sake and that any unsound credit expansion causes business cycles. His other notable contribution was his argument that socialism must fail economically because of the economic calculation problem the impossibility of a socialist government being able to make the economic calculations required to organize a complex economy. Mises projected that without a market economy there would be no functional price system, which he held essential for achieving rational and efficient allocation of capital goods to their most productive uses. If capital goods were the subject of neither rent nor exchange as per private ownership of those means of production then no barter terms or money prices could arise for them and without the common nominal index of money pricing that allows comparison of costs of production to likely revenues there could be no rational allocation of diverse capital goods in the production of diverse consumer goods whose production requires some use of scarce capital which in a Socialist society would not be distributed according to the more efficient thus profitable capital structures but to any use a theoretical Socialist planner would see fit without the aid of monetary price signals to compare the profitability in a given use of capital. Socialism would fail as demand cannot be known without prices, according to Mises, therefore Socialist waste of capital goods would be as chronic as the incentives for production and retention of capital would be low while they were coercively monopolised by a dysfunctional State operating with only the data pertaining to interpersonal comparisons of utility as per democratic production, which is not sufficient for economic calculation and therefore neither for efficient use and allocation of capital whose place in a free market is ordained by the prices set by private owners of the means of production who keep capital where its production is remunerated best by consumers and who liquidate it and pass it to other uses if production is bankrupt. In Socialism such means for liquidation of capital goods and the passage or maintenance of the means of production across extremely diverse applications throughout the divisions of labour according to the expense or cheapness of bidding capital away from vital production, would simply not be present. Mises' criticism of socialist paths of economic development is well-known, such as in his 1922 work Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis:

The only certain fact about Russian affairs under the Soviet regime with regard to which all people agree is: that the standard of living of the Russian masses is much lower than that of the masses in the country which is universally considered as the paragon of capitalism, the United States of America. If we were to regard the Soviet regime as an experiment, we would have to say that the experiment has clearly demonstrated the superiority of capitalism and the inferiority of socialism.

These arguments were elaborated on by subsequent Austrian economists such as Nobel laureate Friedrich Hayek and students such as Hans Sennholz.

In Interventionism, An Economic Analysis (1940), Ludwig von Mises wrote:

The usual terminology of political language is stupid. What is 'left' and what is 'right'? Why should Hitler be 'right' and Stalin, his temporary friend, be 'left'? Who is 'reactionary' and who is 'progressive'? Reaction against an unwise policy is not to be condemned. And progress towards chaos is not to be commended. Nothing should find acceptance just because it is new, radical, and fashionable. 'Orthodoxy' is not an evil if the doctrine on which the 'orthodox' stand is sound. Who is anti-labor, those who want to lower labor to the Russian level, or those who want for labor the capitalistic standard of the United States? Who is 'nationalist,' those who want to bring their nation under the heel of the Nazis, or those who want to preserve its independence?

After the fall of the Soviet Union Robert Heilbroner, a lifelong advocate of socialism, said that "It turns out, of course, that Mises was right" about the impossibility of socialism. "Capitalism has been as unmistakable a success as socialism has been a failure. Here is the part that's hard to swallow. It has been the Friedmans, Hayeks, and von Miseses who have maintained that capitalism would flourish and that socialism would develop incurable ailments."

Mises developed the theory of the 'sovereignty of the consumer' in a free-market economy; in his view, the consumer ultimately dictates everything that happens. This argument is set out in a memorable passage in 'Human Action':

'The captain is the consumerthe consumers determine precisely what should be produced, in what quality, and in what quantitiesThey are merciless egoistic bosses, full of whims and fancies, changeable and unpredictable. For them nothing counts other than their own satisfactionIn their capacity as buyers and consumers they are hard-hearted and callous, without consideration for other peopleCapitalistscan only preserve and increase their wealth by filling best the orders of the consumers In the conduct of their business affairs they must be unfeeling and stony-hearted because the consumers, their bosses, are themselves unfeeling and stony-hearted.’

The context does not suggest that Mises is trying here to denigrate the consumer society. On the contrary, he is describing the free-market economy as he believes that it naturally is and should be.

Criticism more less

Famous Quotes more less

"There is no means of avoiding the final collapse of a boom brought about by credit expansion. The alternative is only whether the crisis should come sooner as a result of a voluntary abandonment of further credit expansion, or later as a final total catastrophe of the currency involved."

"If they do not plan new aggressions, they are not in need of arms."

"A man who chooses between drinking a glass of milk and a glass of a solution of potassium cyanide does not choose between two beverages; he chooses between life and death. A society that chooses between capitalism and socialism does not choose between two social systems; it chooses between social cooperation and the disintegration of society. Socialism is not an alternative to capitalism; it is an alternative to any system under which men can live as human beings."

"Fascism can triumph today because universal indignation at the infamies committed by the socialists and communists has obtained for it the sympathies of wide circles. But when the fresh impression of the crimes of the Bolsheviks has paled, the socialist programm will once again exercise its power of attraction on the masses. For Fascism does nothing to combat it except to suppress socialist ideas and to persecute the people who spread them. If it wanted to really combat socialism, it would have to oppose it with ideas. There is, however, only one [emphasis in original] idea that can be effectively opposed to socialism, viz., that of liberalism"

It cannot be denied that Fascism and similar movements aiming at the establishment of dictatorships are full of the best intentions and that their intervention has, for the moment, saved European civilization. The merit that Fascism has thereby won for itself will live on eternally in history. But though its policy has brought salvation for the moment, it is not of the kind which could promise continued success. Fascism was an emergency makeshift. To view it as something more would be a fatal error."

(to Ayn Rand) "But Atlas Shrugged is not merely a novel. It is also (or may I say: first of all) a cogent analysis of the evils that plague our society, a substantiated rejection of the ideology of our self-styled "intellectuals" and a pitiless unmasking of the insincerity of the policies adopted by governments and political parties. It is a devastating exposure of the "moral cannibals," the "gigolos of science" and of the "academic prattle" of the makers of the "anti-industrial revolution." You have the courage to tell the masses what no politician told them: you are inferior and all the improvements in your conditions which you simply take for granted you owe to the efforts of men who are better than you."

Bibliography more less

The Theory of Money and Credit (1912, enlarged US edition 1953)
Nation, State, and Economy (1919)

Nation, State, and Economy

An Economic and Sociological Analysis (1922, 1932, 1951)
Liberalismus (1927, 1962 - translated into English, with the new title The Free and Prosperous Commonwealth)
A Critique of Interventionism (1929)

A Critique of Interventionism

Epistemological Problems of Economics (1933, 1960)

Epistemological Problems of Economics

Memoirs (1940)
Interventionism: An Economic Analysis (1941, 1998)

Interventionism: An Economic Analysis

The Rise of Total State and Total War (1944)
Bureaucracy (1944, 1962)
Planned Chaos (1947, added to 1951 edition of Socialism)

Planned Chaos

A Treatise on Economics (1949, 1963, 1966, 1996)
Planning for Freedom (1952, enlarged editions in 1962, 1974, and 1980)
The Anti-Capitalistic Mentality (1956)
Theory and History: An Interpretation of Social and Economic Evolution (1957)

Theory and History

The Ultimate Foundation of Economic Science (1962)

The Ultimate Foundation of Economic Science

The Historical Setting of the Austrian School of Economics (1969)

The Historical Setting of the Austrian School of Economics

Notes and Recollections (1978)
The Clash of Group Interests and Other Essays (1978)

The Clash of Group Interests and Other Essays

On the Manipulation of Money and Credit (1978)

On the Manipulation of Money and Credit
The Causes of the Economic Crisis, reissue

Economic Policy: Thoughts for Today and Tomorrow (1979, lectures given in 1959)

Economic Policy: Thoughts for Today and Tomorrow

Money, Method, and the Market Process (1990)

Money, Method, and the Market Process

Economic Freedom and Interventionism (1990)
The Free Market and Its Enemies (2004, lectures given in 1951)

The Free Market and Its Enemies

Marxism Unmasked: From Delusion to Destruction (2006, lectures given in 1952)
Ludwig von Mises on Money and Inflation (2010, lectures given in the 1960s)

Notes more less

This author page uses material from the Wikipedia article "Ludwig Von Mises", which is released under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share-Alike License 3.0

Total Books: 180

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